Abstract

100 RHETORICA his audiences. He was also more interested in practical politics than Mon­ taigne, as registered in his careful representations of the rivalries and tempo­ rary alliances in the Henry VI and Henry IV plays, and later in the not wholly risible representation of the plebeians in Coriolanus, which he sets against the hero's uncompromising denunciations of popular rule. Shakespeare's larger interest in representing the nation leads Mack to focus on Falstaff as common man-appetitive, exploitative, cowardly, defiant, and comradely according to circumstances—the human embodiment of copia. For his part, the later Montaigne more soberly celebrates the sensual as well as the moral and intellectual Socrates: "(B) The most beautiful lives to my taste are those which conform to the common measure, (C) human and ordinate, without miracles though and (B) without rapture" (De I'experience, quoted p. 135). he final chapter, "Ethical issues in Montaigne and Shakespeare" is best described as Peter Mack's commonplace book. Here he addresses such topics as Death, Revenge, Sex and Marriage, Fathers and Children, and compares Montaigne's ruminations on these matters to Shakespeare's. Even seasoned hands will be struck not only by the resemblance of the ideas voiced by the two writers but also by the similarly multiple perspectives each idea elicits, further proof that the grammar school habit of arguing in utramque partem was, as Jonson might say, "turned to blood." Despite some local disappointments, Mack's book achieves the end of all good scholarship and criticism: it makes us want to get back to Montaigne and Shakespeare with newly inquisitive eyes. Joel B. Altman University of California, Berkelei/ Patricia Roberts-Miller, Fanatical Schemes: Proslaven/ Rhetoric and the Tragedy of Consensus, Tuscaloosa, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 2009. x + 286 pp. Cloth $38.95. ISBN 978-0-8173-1642-6. Paper $29.95. ISBN 978-0-8173-5653-8. Patricia Roberts-Miller's Fanatical Schemes is a capacious study of pro­ slavery thought in the south from 1835 through the coming of Civil War in 1861, though she sometimes glances backwards as far as the ancient world and forward to the Second World War and even occasionally the contempo­ rary United States. It also deals with psychological theory and fiction. Thus, this expansive book covers a lot of time and intellectual ground. There are many lines of argument running through this wide-ranging volume; the pri­ mary thrust is how proslavery rhetoric - often expressed in oratory, though often in print - shaped the course our nation traveled toward Civil War. "The tragedy of consensus" part of the subtitle is that proslavery rhetoric went too far and that led to the South's extremism and ultimate downfall. RobertsMiller presents one of the most comprehensive monographs in recent years Reviews 101 on the role of arguments and ideology in the coming war. Where historians have focused on the threat to the slave economy, the breakdown of the two party system, and the threat that slave labor posed to Northern free labor, Roberts-Miller argues that proslavery rhetoric explains (and even shaped) the movement towards war. (236) The book is set in motion by the abolitionist literature controversy of 1835, in which abolitionists used the US mails to distribute - or attempt to distribute - anti-slavery literature in the South. Vigilante groups and bon fires seem to have taken care of some, perhaps most, of the literature. However, many historians (and people at the time, too), blamed the abolitionists and that episode for starting the shift towards proslavery radicalism. RobertsMiller establishes three key points early on: proslavery rhetoric was welldeveloped before 1835; proslavery advocates silenced antislavery advocates by blaming them for inciting slave rebellion; and South Carolina was the center (or perhaps origin is a better phrase) of much of the proslavery advocacy. To stop criticism proslavery advocates thus harnessed fear that any criticism of slavery might lead to rebellion. That led to a cycle of silencing of dissenters, which made possible - perhaps even likely - more extreme rhetoric. Roberts-Miller develops this argument by first showing the ways that proslavery advocates stifled dissenting opinions - sometimes through threats of violence - which in turn led them to overestimate their support. (31) Then...

Journal
Rhetorica
Published
2012-01-01
DOI
10.1353/rht.2012.0040
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